https://4edu.info/index.php?title=Chapter_5_from_%27Fatherland_or_Mother_Earth%27&feed=atom&action=historyChapter 5 from 'Fatherland or Mother Earth' - Revision history2024-03-29T02:09:11ZRevision history for this page on the wikiMediaWiki 1.37.1https://4edu.info/index.php?title=Chapter_5_from_%27Fatherland_or_Mother_Earth%27&diff=3169&oldid=prevMarijkecolle at 13:17, 24 November 20112011-11-24T13:17:35Z<p></p>
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<tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>(as a result of the uneven development of capitalism)in the peripheral countries <br></div></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>(as a result of the uneven development of capitalism)in the peripheral countries <br></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>(Germany, Italy and Japan) and only later reached the ‘core areas’ (England and France) ;<br></div></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>(Germany, Italy and Japan) and only later reached the ‘core areas’ (England and France) ;<br></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>but this strange chronology is too arbitrary and seems to ignoresuch well known historical facts as the patriotic dimension of the French Revolution and of the Napoleonic wars.</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>but this strange chronology is too arbitrary and seems to ignoresuch well known <ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>In any case there is no doubt that for many <del style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;">centuries</del></div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>historical facts as the patriotic dimension of the French Revolution and of the Napoleonic wars.<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div><del style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;">the </del>political ideal was not the nation or the nation-state, but other forms of social and political organisation:</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>In any case there is no doubt that for many <ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;">centuriesthe </ins>political ideal was not the nation<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>the clan, the city-state, the feudal lord, the church, the dynastic kingdom and the multi-national empire.</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>or the nation-state, but other forms of social and political organisation:the clan, the city-state,<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br> </ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>And although some precedents can be found in the past (the ancient Hebrews or the ancient Greeks),</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>the feudal lord, the church, the dynastic kingdom and the multi-national empire.<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>they are of a quite different nature and substance from modem nationalism.</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>And although some precedents can be found in the past (the ancient Hebrews or the ancient Greeks),<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div><del style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;">[edit] Marxist socialism is fundamentally opposed to nationalism.</del></div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>they are of a quite different nature and substance from modem nationalism.<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br/></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br/></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>First of all because it refuses to see the nation as an undifferentiated bloc:</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div><ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;">'''Marxist socialism is fundamentally opposed to nationalism.'''</ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>all nations are divided into different social classes, with different interests and different conceptions of national identity.</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div> </div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>But above all it rejects the nationalist ideology and its scale of values because its supreme <del style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;">loyalty</del></div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>First of all because it refuses to see the nation as an undifferentiated bloc:<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div><del style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;">is </del>not to any nation, but to an international historical subject (the proletariat) and to an international historical aim:</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>all nations are divided into different social classes, with different interests<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br> </ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>the socialist transformation of the world. It is internationalist both for ethical and for material reasons.</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>and different conceptions of national identity.<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>The ethical motives are important: for the Marxist world view, materialist and atheistic,</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>But above all it rejects the nationalist ideology and its scale of values because<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br> </ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>the only value which can be considered ‘sacred’ — absolute — is humanity itself (of which the exploited and the oppressed are the emancipatory force)</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>its supreme <ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;">loyaltyis </ins>not to any nation, but to an international historical subject<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br> </ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>In this sense, the motto ‘Workers of the world, unite!’ is not only a practical proposal for action,</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>(the proletariat) and to an international historical aim:the socialist transformation<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br> </ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>but also the socialist ethical response to the ‘sacred love of country’ of nationalist ideology.</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>of the world. It is internationalist both for ethical and for material reasons.<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Socialism is therefore an internationalist movement by virtue of the universalist and humanist character</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>The ethical motives are important: for the Marxist world view, materialist and atheistic,<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>of its values and aims. Without this ethical appeal it is impossible to understand the total commitment and <del style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;">sacrifice</del></div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>the only value which can be considered ‘sacred’ — absolute — is humanity itself<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br> </ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div><del style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;">of </del>many generations of activists from the labour movements of many countries to international socialism (or communism).</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>(of which the exploited and the oppressed are the emancipatory force)<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;">.<br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>As the Old Bolshevik Adolf Yoffe wrote in his last letter to Trotsky in 1927 (before committing suicide):</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>In this sense, the motto ‘Workers of the world, unite!’ is not only a practical proposal for action,<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>‘Human life has no meaning unless it is at the service of an infinite, which for us is humanity’.</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>but also the socialist ethical response to the ‘sacred love of country’ of nationalist ideology.<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-side-deleted"></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Socialism is therefore an internationalist movement by virtue of the universalist and humanist character<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-side-deleted"></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>of its values and aims. Without this ethical appeal it is impossible <ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-side-deleted"></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>to understand the total commitment and <ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;">sacrificeof </ins>many generations of activists <ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-side-deleted"></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>from the labour movements of many countries to international socialism (or communism).<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-side-deleted"></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>As the Old Bolshevik Adolf Yoffe wrote in his last letter to Trotsky in 1927 (before committing suicide):<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-side-deleted"></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>‘Human life has no meaning unless it is at the service of an infinite, which for us is humanity’.<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br/></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br/></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>However, if internationalism were only a moral principle, a categorical imperative, it would be easy</div></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>However, if internationalism were only a moral principle, a categorical imperative, it would be easy</div></td></tr>
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</table>Marijkecollehttps://4edu.info/index.php?title=Chapter_5_from_%27Fatherland_or_Mother_Earth%27&diff=3168&oldid=prevMarijkecolle at 13:13, 24 November 20112011-11-24T13:13:44Z<p></p>
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<tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>it became the people’s state, a national state, a fatherland’.<br></div></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>it became the people’s state, a national state, a fatherland’.<br></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br/></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br/></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>More recently Tom Nairn tried to prove that nationalism emerged in the nineteenth century (as a result of the uneven development of capitalism)</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>More recently Tom Nairn tried to prove that nationalism emerged in the nineteenth century<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>in the peripheral countries (Germany, Italy and Japan) and only later reached the ‘core areas’ (England and France) ;<del style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;">~</del></div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>(as a result of the uneven development of capitalism)in the peripheral countries <ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>but this strange chronology is too arbitrary and seems to <del style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;">ignore</del></div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>(Germany, Italy and Japan) and only later reached the ‘core areas’ (England and France) ;<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div><del style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;">such </del>well known historical facts as the patriotic dimension of the French Revolution and of the Napoleonic wars.</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>but this strange chronology is too arbitrary and seems to <ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;">ignoresuch </ins>well known historical facts as the patriotic dimension of the French Revolution and of the Napoleonic wars.</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>In any case there is no doubt that for many centuries</div></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>In any case there is no doubt that for many centuries</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>the political ideal was not the nation or the nation-state, but other forms of social and political organisation:</div></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>the political ideal was not the nation or the nation-state, but other forms of social and political organisation:</div></td></tr>
</table>Marijkecollehttps://4edu.info/index.php?title=Chapter_5_from_%27Fatherland_or_Mother_Earth%27&diff=3167&oldid=prevMarijkecolle at 13:12, 24 November 20112011-11-24T13:12:27Z<p></p>
<table style="background-color: #fff; color: #202122;" data-mw="interface">
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<td colspan="2" style="background-color: #fff; color: #202122; text-align: center;">Revision as of 14:12, 24 November 2011</td>
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<tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>And what are the perspectives for nationalism and internationalism in the twenty-first century?<br></div></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>And what are the perspectives for nationalism and internationalism in the twenty-first century?<br></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br/></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br/></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Any attempt to answer these questions has to start with a dialectical approach to the problem:</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Any attempt to answer these questions has to start with a dialectical approach to the problem:<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>the national question is contradictory, and its contradictions are not the expression</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>the national question is contradictory, and its contradictions are not the expression<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>of some eternal trait of human nature, but of concrete historical conditions.</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>of some eternal trait of human nature, but of concrete historical conditions.<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>It is important to distinguish very carefully between the feeling of national identity,</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>It is important to distinguish very carefully between the feeling of national identity,<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>the attachment to a national culture, the consciousness of belonging to a national community with its own historical past — and nationalism.</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>the attachment to a national culture, the consciousness of belonging to a national community<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Nationalism as an ideology is composed of all these elements but also of something else,</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>with its own historical past — and nationalism.<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>which is its decisive ingredient: the choice of the nation as the primary,</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Nationalism as an ideology is composed of all these elements but also of something else,<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>fundamental and most important social and political value, to which all others are — in one way or another — subordinated.</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>which is its decisive ingredient: the choice of the nation as the primary,<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Hans Kohn, the well-known historian of modern nationalism, defined it as ‘a state of mind,</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>fundamental and most important social and political value, to which all others<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>in which the supreme loyalty of the individual is felt to be due to the nation-state’.</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>are — in one way or another — subordinated.</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>This is a quite adequate definition — if one includes in it also the struggle for the establishment of the nation-state — even <del style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;">if</del></div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Hans Kohn, the well-known historian of modern nationalism, defined it as ‘a state of mind,<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div><del style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;">one </del>has to admit that there exist at least some (moderate) nationalist movements who aim only at cultural or territorial autonomy.</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>in which the supreme loyalty of the individual is felt to be due to the nation-state’.<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>It is not easy to find out exactly how and when nationalism was born.</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>This is a quite adequate definition — if one includes in it also the struggle for the establishment<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br> </ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Some authors see it as contemporary with the emergence of the modern nation-state in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries (Machiavelli!).</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>of the nation-state — even <ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;">ifone </ins>has to admit that there exist at least some (moderate) <ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Others, like Kohn, relate it to the first great bourgeois revolutions:</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>nationalist movements who aim only at cultural or territorial autonomy.<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>in England in the seventeenth century and France in 1789 for the first time the state ‘ceased to be the king’s state:</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>It is not easy to find out exactly how and when nationalism was born.<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>it became the people’s state, a national state, a fatherland’.</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Some authors see it as contemporary with the emergence of the modern nation-state<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br> </ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-side-deleted"></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries (Machiavelli!).<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-side-deleted"></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Others, like Kohn, relate it to the first great bourgeois revolutions:<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-side-deleted"></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>in England in the seventeenth century and France in 1789 for the first time<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br> </ins>the state ‘ceased to be the king’s state:</div></td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-side-deleted"></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>it became the people’s state, a national state, a fatherland’.<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br/></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br/></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>More recently Tom Nairn tried to prove that nationalism emerged in the nineteenth century (as a result of the uneven development of capitalism)</div></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>More recently Tom Nairn tried to prove that nationalism emerged in the nineteenth century (as a result of the uneven development of capitalism)</div></td></tr>
</table>Marijkecollehttps://4edu.info/index.php?title=Chapter_5_from_%27Fatherland_or_Mother_Earth%27&diff=3166&oldid=prevMarijkecolle at 13:10, 24 November 20112011-11-24T13:10:46Z<p></p>
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<tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>'''CHAPTER 5'''</div></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>'''CHAPTER 5'''</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br/></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br/></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Over 200 years after the call for a universal brotherhood of all humankind issued by the great French Revolution</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Over 200 years after the call for a universal brotherhood of all humankind issued by the great French Revolution<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>and 80 years after the foundation of the Communist International,</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>and 80 years after the foundation of the Communist International,what remains of the great dream of internationalist<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br> </ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>what remains of the great dream of internationalist solidarity of the oppressed?</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>solidarity of the oppressed?<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Hasn’t nationalism always been the main moving force of world politics?</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Hasn’t nationalism always been the main moving force of world politics?<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>And how should socialists relate to it?</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>And how should socialists relate to it?<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>The contradictory role of nationalism is one of the great paradoxes in the history of the twentieth century.</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>The contradictory role of nationalism is one of the great paradoxes in the history of the twentieth century.<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>At the service of the state and of reactionary forces, the ideology of nationalism fostered and legitimised</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>At the service of the state and of reactionary forces, the ideology of nationalism fostered and legitimised<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>some of the worst crimes of the century: two world wars, the genocide of Armenians, Jews and Gypsies,</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>some of the worst crimes of the century: two world wars, the genocide of Armenians, Jews and Gypsies,<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>colonialist wars, the rise of fascism and military dictatorship, the brutal repression of progressive</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>colonialist wars, the rise of fascism and military dictatorship, the brutal repression of progressive<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>or revolutionary movements from China in the 1920s to Indonesia in the 1960s and Argentina in the 1970s.</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>or revolutionary movements from China in the 1920s to Indonesia in the 1960s and Argentina in the 1970s.<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br/></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br/></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>On the other hand, in the name of national liberation, colonised peoples gained their independence</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>On the other hand, in the name of national liberation, colonised peoples gained their independence<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>and some of the most important and radical revolutionary socialist movements were able to win popular support and triumph:</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>and some of the most important and radical revolutionary socialist movements were able to win popular <ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>in Yugoslavia, China, Indochina, Cuba and Nicaragua.</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>support and triumph:in Yugoslavia, China, Indochina, Cuba and Nicaragua.<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Another puzzling paradox: although nationalism has been the dominant factor in shaping twentieth-century politics,</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Another puzzling paradox: although nationalism has been the dominant factor in shaping twentieth-century politics,<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>the greatest revolution of our times, October 1917, owed nothing to nationalism and was explicitly</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>the greatest revolution of our times, October 1917, owed nothing to nationalism and was explicitly<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>directed against the ‘national defence of the fatherland’ in the war with imperial Germany.</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>directed against the ‘national defence of the fatherland’ in the war with imperial Germany.<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Moreover, there has never been in the history of the labour and socialist movement a mass world organisation</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Moreover, there has never been in the history of the labour and socialist movement a mass world organisation<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>so thoroughly committed to internationalism as in the twentieth century:the Third International ( at least during its first years of existence).</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>so thoroughly committed to internationalism as in the twentieth century:the Third International<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br> </ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>How should we understand these paradoxes? Can Marxism furnish the theoretical tools for such an understanding?</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>(at least during its first years of existence).<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Do the workers and the exploited really have no fatherland, as Marx thought in 1848?</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>How should we understand these paradoxes? <ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins>Can Marxism furnish the theoretical tools for such an understanding?<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>How far can Mother Earth become the concrete horizon for social liberation?</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Do the workers and the exploited really have no fatherland, as Marx thought in 1848?<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>And what are the perspectives for nationalism and internationalism in the twenty-first century?</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>How far can Mother Earth become the concrete horizon for social liberation?<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-side-deleted"></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>And what are the perspectives for nationalism and internationalism in the twenty-first century?<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><br></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br/></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br/></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Any attempt to answer these questions has to start with a dialectical approach to the problem:</div></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Any attempt to answer these questions has to start with a dialectical approach to the problem:</div></td></tr>
</table>Marijkecollehttps://4edu.info/index.php?title=Chapter_5_from_%27Fatherland_or_Mother_Earth%27&diff=3165&oldid=prevMarijkecolle at 13:08, 24 November 20112011-11-24T13:08:52Z<p></p>
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<tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Over 200 years after the call for a universal brotherhood of all humankind issued by the great French Revolution</div></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Over 200 years after the call for a universal brotherhood of all humankind issued by the great French Revolution</div></td></tr>
</table>Marijkecollehttps://4edu.info/index.php?title=Chapter_5_from_%27Fatherland_or_Mother_Earth%27&diff=3164&oldid=prevMarijkecolle: Created page with 'Löwy - Fatherland or Mother Earth CHAPTER 5 Over 200 years after the call for a universal brotherhood of all humankind issued by the great French Revolution and 80 years after…'2011-11-24T13:08:03Z<p>Created page with 'Löwy - Fatherland or Mother Earth CHAPTER 5 Over 200 years after the call for a universal brotherhood of all humankind issued by the great French Revolution and 80 years after…'</p>
<p><b>New page</b></p><div>Löwy - Fatherland or Mother Earth<br />
<br />
CHAPTER 5<br />
<br />
Over 200 years after the call for a universal brotherhood of all humankind issued by the great French Revolution<br />
and 80 years after the foundation of the Communist International,<br />
what remains of the great dream of internationalist solidarity of the oppressed?<br />
Hasn’t nationalism always been the main moving force of world politics?<br />
And how should socialists relate to it?<br />
The contradictory role of nationalism is one of the great paradoxes in the history of the twentieth century.<br />
At the service of the state and of reactionary forces, the ideology of nationalism fostered and legitimised<br />
some of the worst crimes of the century: two world wars, the genocide of Armenians, Jews and Gypsies,<br />
colonialist wars, the rise of fascism and military dictatorship, the brutal repression of progressive<br />
or revolutionary movements from China in the 1920s to Indonesia in the 1960s and Argentina in the 1970s.<br />
<br />
On the other hand, in the name of national liberation, colonised peoples gained their independence<br />
and some of the most important and radical revolutionary socialist movements were able to win popular support and triumph:<br />
in Yugoslavia, China, Indochina, Cuba and Nicaragua.<br />
Another puzzling paradox: although nationalism has been the dominant factor in shaping twentieth-century politics,<br />
the greatest revolution of our times, October 1917, owed nothing to nationalism and was explicitly<br />
directed against the ‘national defence of the fatherland’ in the war with imperial Germany.<br />
Moreover, there has never been in the history of the labour and socialist movement a mass world organisation<br />
so thoroughly committed to internationalism as in the twentieth century:the Third International ( at least during its first years of existence).<br />
How should we understand these paradoxes? Can Marxism furnish the theoretical tools for such an understanding?<br />
Do the workers and the exploited really have no fatherland, as Marx thought in 1848?<br />
How far can Mother Earth become the concrete horizon for social liberation?<br />
And what are the perspectives for nationalism and internationalism in the twenty-first century?<br />
<br />
Any attempt to answer these questions has to start with a dialectical approach to the problem:<br />
the national question is contradictory, and its contradictions are not the expression<br />
of some eternal trait of human nature, but of concrete historical conditions.<br />
It is important to distinguish very carefully between the feeling of national identity,<br />
the attachment to a national culture, the consciousness of belonging to a national community with its own historical past — and nationalism.<br />
Nationalism as an ideology is composed of all these elements but also of something else,<br />
which is its decisive ingredient: the choice of the nation as the primary,<br />
fundamental and most important social and political value, to which all others are — in one way or another — subordinated.<br />
Hans Kohn, the well-known historian of modern nationalism, defined it as ‘a state of mind,<br />
in which the supreme loyalty of the individual is felt to be due to the nation-state’.<br />
This is a quite adequate definition — if one includes in it also the struggle for the establishment of the nation-state — even if<br />
one has to admit that there exist at least some (moderate) nationalist movements who aim only at cultural or territorial autonomy.<br />
It is not easy to find out exactly how and when nationalism was born.<br />
Some authors see it as contemporary with the emergence of the modern nation-state in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries (Machiavelli!).<br />
Others, like Kohn, relate it to the first great bourgeois revolutions:<br />
in England in the seventeenth century and France in 1789 for the first time the state ‘ceased to be the king’s state:<br />
it became the people’s state, a national state, a fatherland’.<br />
<br />
More recently Tom Nairn tried to prove that nationalism emerged in the nineteenth century (as a result of the uneven development of capitalism)<br />
in the peripheral countries (Germany, Italy and Japan) and only later reached the ‘core areas’ (England and France) ;~<br />
but this strange chronology is too arbitrary and seems to ignore<br />
such well known historical facts as the patriotic dimension of the French Revolution and of the Napoleonic wars.<br />
In any case there is no doubt that for many centuries<br />
the political ideal was not the nation or the nation-state, but other forms of social and political organisation:<br />
the clan, the city-state, the feudal lord, the church, the dynastic kingdom and the multi-national empire.<br />
And although some precedents can be found in the past (the ancient Hebrews or the ancient Greeks),<br />
they are of a quite different nature and substance from modem nationalism.<br />
[edit] Marxist socialism is fundamentally opposed to nationalism.<br />
<br />
First of all because it refuses to see the nation as an undifferentiated bloc:<br />
all nations are divided into different social classes, with different interests and different conceptions of national identity.<br />
But above all it rejects the nationalist ideology and its scale of values because its supreme loyalty<br />
is not to any nation, but to an international historical subject (the proletariat) and to an international historical aim:<br />
the socialist transformation of the world. It is internationalist both for ethical and for material reasons.<br />
The ethical motives are important: for the Marxist world view, materialist and atheistic,<br />
the only value which can be considered ‘sacred’ — absolute — is humanity itself (of which the exploited and the oppressed are the emancipatory force)<br />
In this sense, the motto ‘Workers of the world, unite!’ is not only a practical proposal for action,<br />
but also the socialist ethical response to the ‘sacred love of country’ of nationalist ideology.<br />
Socialism is therefore an internationalist movement by virtue of the universalist and humanist character<br />
of its values and aims. Without this ethical appeal it is impossible to understand the total commitment and sacrifice<br />
of many generations of activists from the labour movements of many countries to international socialism (or communism).<br />
As the Old Bolshevik Adolf Yoffe wrote in his last letter to Trotsky in 1927 (before committing suicide):<br />
‘Human life has no meaning unless it is at the service of an infinite, which for us is humanity’.<br />
<br />
However, if internationalism were only a moral principle, a categorical imperative, it would be easy<br />
to dismiss it as a beautiful utopia. If this is not the case, it is because proletarian internationalism draws its political force from objective,<br />
concrete and material conditions, already analysed by Marx in the Manifesto:<br />
the economic unification of the world by the capitalist system.<br />
Like any dialectical totality, world capitalism is not the sum total of its parts, the national economies;<br />
nor is the international class struggle the sum total of national struggles.<br />
They constitute an organic whole, with its own forms of motion, distinct from the peculiarities of its component elements.<br />
Georg Lukacs insisted in History and Class Consciousness that the category of totality was,<br />
on the methodological level, the carrier of the revolutionary principle. From the dialectical standpoint of totality, no local or national situation<br />
can be grasped in theory or transformed in practice if one ignores its links with the whole: with the world economic, social and political movement.<br />
<br />
As a matter of fact, far from being anachronistic, Marx’s analysis in the Manifesto<br />
is much more adequate in our times than in 1848.<br />
Imperialism has imposed on the world capitalist system a much higher degree of integration,<br />
the control of the market by multinational monopolies is incomparably greater; in short,<br />
the unification of the planet by the capitalist mode of production has achieved today a qualitatively higher level than in 1848.<br />
And this economic unity also has a political and military expression in Western Atlanticism, US interventionism, etc.<br />
This means that internationalism has its roots in the structure of the world economy and world politics.<br />
Socialist internationalism is also the consciousness of this objective reality.<br />
<br />
‘What is the decisive factor in class struggle: national or international conditions?<br />
Should one privilege the importance of the world process or, as Mao once wrote, the internal factors and the national (endogenous) causes?<br />
In this problematic, the question itself is misleading.<br />
It supposes an abstract, metaphysical and static separation between the national and the international, the ‘internal’ and the ‘external’, the ‘inside’ and the ‘outside’.<br />
The dialectical stand point is precisely based on the understanding of the contradictory unity between the national economy and world market,<br />
national and international class struggle — unity which is visible already in the fact that (economic and social) national specificity<br />
is the product of the unequal development of international capitalism.<br />
<br />
What is wrong in the Manifesto and others of Marx’s writings is the idea that modem industrial capitalism<br />
is essentially a homogenising force, creating identical conditions of life and struggle among the exploited of all countries.<br />
His statement in 1845 that ‘the nationality of the worker is neither French, nor English, nor German, it is labour, free slavery, self-huckstering’ has a large share of truth;<br />
but it ignores not only the cultural specificities of each nation (which capitalism does not abolish at all) but also socioeconomic differences<br />
between proletarians of different nations, which result from the uneven and combined development of the world capitalist system.<br />
Moreover, one cannot neglect the importance of national peculiarities for the ‘making of the working class’<br />
in each country and for the development of its own tradition of anti-capitalist resistance and struggle.<br />
<br />
In other words, although capitalism creates both in the industrial metropolis and in the dominated countries<br />
a modern proletariat which fights against the same enemy and has the same objective historical interests,<br />
this does not mean at all that its material and social conditions of life (not to mention its national cultures) are identical.<br />
As Leon Trotsky once wrote: ‘If we take Britain and India as polarised varieties of the capitalist type,<br />
then we are obliged to say that the inter nationalism of the British and Indian proletariats does not at all rest<br />
on an identity of conditions, tasks and methods, but on their indivisible interdependence.’<br />
5 World capitalism creates incredible inequalities and brutal differences in life conditions between the centre and periphery of the system: only the complementarity, the reciprocal relation<br />
of the struggles in the different countries can generate internationalist solidarity.<br />
Thus the anti-war movements in France in the 1950s and in the US in the 1960s and 1970s were a powerful contribution<br />
to the struggle of the Algerians and of the Indochinese people — and vice versa:<br />
these colonial struggles helped to ignite radical contestation in the metropolitan centres.<br />
<br />
To sum up, internationalism is not the expression of the identity in life conditions of the exploited and oppressed of all countries,<br />
but of a dialectical relationship of complementarity between at least three very different kinds of struggles:<br />
the socialist labour movement in advanced capitalist societies;<br />
social and national liberation movements in dependent (or colonial) capitalist countries;<br />
and movements for democracy and against market ‘reforms’ in the former East Bloc countries.<br />
[edit] The Many Roots of Nationalism<br />
<br />
Marxists have often underestimated the importance of the national question,<br />
the decisive significance of national liberation for the dominated peoples.<br />
This is part of a general pattern of blindness, neglect or at least insufficient attention to non-class forms of oppression: national, racial or sexual.<br />
It is not that Marxism as such is unable to take into account these dimensions, but the economistic approach which dominated much of<br />
Marxist thinking (and also some of Marx’s own writings) led to a tendency to disregard them.<br />
Marxists have also very frequently underestimated the power of nationalism.<br />
A peculiar combination of economism and illusions of linear progress (inherited from the Enlightenment)<br />
led to the wrong belief that nationalism would inevitably and quickly decline.<br />
The Second International in particular believed that nationalism belonged to the past,<br />
and Karl Kautsky dreamed of a socialist future without nations and with one single language:<br />
‘In a painless way, the nations will fuse with each other, more or less in the same fashion as the Romansh inhabitants of the Grisons canton in Switzerland,<br />
who, insensibly and without resistance, are slowly germanising themselves as they discover that it is more advantageous to speak a language<br />
that everybody understands in a vast area rather than a language that is only spoken in a few valleys.’<br />
Obviously, equipped with such ideas, Marxists were little prepared to confront the fantastic upsurge of nationalism after August 1914,<br />
which took over the labour movement and led to ‘Sacred Unity in Defence of the Fatherland’<br />
— and to the mutual slaughter of the workers of all countries.<br />
Kautsky himself rallied to the ‘national defence’ of imperial Germany,<br />
arguing that the Socialist International was an instrument suited only for peacetime and had to be put gently aside during the war.<br />
<br />
The first condition for an effective confrontation with nationalism is therefore to give up illusions about linear progress,<br />
that is, naive expectations of peaceful evolution and of a gradual ‘withering way’ of nationalism and national wars,<br />
thanks to the modernisation and democratisation of industrial societies, the internationalisation of productive forces, etc.<br />
How can one explain the incredible force of nationalism in the course of twentieth-century history?<br />
A first answer would be the classic Marxist argument: nationalism is a bourgeois ideology and its power over the popular masses<br />
is one of the main forms taken by the ideological domination of the bourgeoisie in capitalist societies.<br />
This analysis is not wrong, but insufficient to explain the power of attraction of nationalism,<br />
sometimes over significant sections of the labour movement.<br />
<br />
Other causes have to be taken into consideration.<br />
First, concrete material and economic conditions: competition among workers of different nations (or states),<br />
resulting from the very nature of capitalism. It is a question of short term interests<br />
— for instance, to prevent the entrance of foreign commodities which can provoke unemployment —<br />
but their real weight can blind competing workers to their common historical interest in abolishing exploitation.<br />
This, incidentally, also happens inside one single nation, when unemployed workers volunteer to replace striking ones.<br />
Marx himself recognised in the Manifesto that the competition among workers constantly threatens to divide and destroy their common organisation.<br />
Second, irrational tendencies, similar in chauvinist nationalism, religious fanaticism, racism and fascism:<br />
a complex psychic phenomenon, which still has to be studied.<br />
Wilhelm Reich’s work on the mass psychology of fascism, Erich Fromm’s on ‘escape from freedom’<br />
and Theodor Adorno’s on the authoritarian personality are among the first important contributions to an explanation.<br />
Nationalism is by its very nature an irrationalist ideology: it cannot legitimate the privilege of one nation<br />
over the others with any rational criteria — since substantive (that is, not purely instrumental) rationality is always tendentially universal.<br />
It must therefore appeal to non-rational myths like the divine mission attributed to the nation,<br />
the innate and eternal superiority of a people, the to occupy a larger geographical Lebensraum, etc.<br />
However, it may also make use of pseudo-rational and pseudo-scientific forms of legitimation,<br />
such as geopolitics or racial anthropology. Often it does not correspond to any deep historical and cultural unity,<br />
being just the official ideology of more or less artificial states, whose borders<br />
are the accidental product of colonisation and/or decolonisation (in Africa and Latin America for instance).<br />
<br />
But there is another reason for the upsurge of nationalism,<br />
which has to be taken very seriously by Marxists and socialists:<br />
the struggle for liberation of oppressed or colonised nations.<br />
Although Marxism is as such opposed to nationalist ideology, it must very clearly distinguish between<br />
the nationalism of the oppressors and the nationalism of the oppressed.<br />
It has to support all struggles for national liberation or for oppressed nations’ right to self-determination,<br />
even if their ideology (or the ideology of their leaders) is nationalist.<br />
Of course, Marxist internationalists taking part in a movement for national liberation should keep their independence<br />
and try to persuade the exploited popular masses of the need to develop the struggle (in an uninterrupted way)<br />
beyond national aims, towards a revolutionary socialist transformation.<br />
But they cannot ignore or underrate the significance of the popular demand for national self-determination.<br />
<br />
The reason for this is not only that socialists are opposed to all forms of oppression (national, racial, sexual or class)<br />
but also because there is a dialectical relationship between internationalism and national rights.<br />
Socialist internationalism cannot develop without recognition by the socialist movement of the equal rights of all nations.<br />
In the same way as the unity and solidarity of the workers of one and the same nation cannot be established except<br />
on an egalitarian basis — without any distinctions or privileges based on occupation, religion, race, sex or branch of production —<br />
internationalist unity of the exploited can only be built on the recognition of<br />
the national rights and in particular the right to self-determination for all people.<br />
When Lenin insisted that the Russian Social Democratic Workers Party should recognise Poland’s right to self-determination<br />
— the right of the Polish people to decide for themselves if they wanted to establish a separate state or not —<br />
he did it not only because the struggle of the Polish nation against tsarism was historically progressive<br />
(the argument used by Marx and Engels) but above all because it was a pre-condition for<br />
the establishment of an internationalist alliance between Russian and Polish workers.<br />
Recognition of national rights is an essential condition for international solidarity, in so far as it permits the dissolution of suspicions,<br />
hatreds and fears which set nations against each other and nourish chauvinism.<br />
As Lenin wrote, without the right to divorce — to have a separate state — there can be no truly free marriage — unity or federation among nations.<br />
Unfortunately, the policy of the Bolshevik government (including Lenin) after October 1917 did not always<br />
correspond to this principle: for example, witness the invasion of Poland in 1920 and the occupation of Georgia in 1921.<br />
<br />
By making the capital distinction between nationalism of the oppressed and of the oppressor,<br />
socialist internationalists do not have to adhere to the former. But they perceive its contradictory nature:<br />
its emancipatory dimension as a rebellion against unjust oppression and its limits as a particularistic ideology.<br />
It is therefore logical that all truly social revolutionary movements in an oppressed nation necessarily put national liberation<br />
at the centre of their struggle, while linking it to the social emancipation from capitalist exploitation<br />
— Nicaragua is a major recent example — while in the imperialist metropolis it is the rejection of nationalism<br />
which is at the heart of all radical confrontation with the established order,<br />
from the anti-war movement in the US to the French in May 1968<br />
(whose main slogan was ‘les frontieres on s’en fout!’ — ‘Frontiers, the hell with them!’).<br />
This being said, it should be stressed that the distinction between the two kinds of nationalism is a relative and not an absolute one.<br />
First, because yesterday’s oppressed very easily become today’s oppressors: there is no lack of historical evidence for this in our own times.<br />
Second, because the nationalist ideology (or movement) of oppressed nations has often a double cutting edge: liberating against their oppressors, but oppressive towards their own national minorities.<br />
And third, because one can find in both forms of nationalism elements of chauvinism, global rejection of the ‘other’ and (sometimes) racism.<br />
Lenin was probably the ‘classic’ Marxist thinker who best understood the dialectics between internationalism and national rights.<br />
However, in certain passages of his writings he presents the democratic rights of the nations as a part<br />
which has to be subordinated to the whole which is the world democratic and socialist movement.<br />
This formulation seems to me dangerous and somewhat mechanistic.<br />
If socialist revolution is the self-emancipation of the proletariat — in alliance with all the other exploited and oppressed social groups —<br />
it is intimately linked with the democratic self-determination of the nation.<br />
A people on whom ‘socialism’ was imposed from outside, against its will, would only know a caricature of socialism, inevitably doomed to bureaucratic degeneration.<br />
(Many Eastern European countries illustrate this rule!) In my opinion it would be more adequate<br />
— and corresponding better to the spirit of most of Lenin’s writings on the national question —<br />
to conceive the socialist revolution and the international fraternity of the proletariat as Marxists’ aim<br />
and national self-determination as a necessary means for implementing it.<br />
Means and ends are dialectically linked, in such a way that the subordination of the national dimension<br />
to internationalism excludes the possibility of ‘sacrificing’ the former to the latter.<br />
[edit] Beyond Nations?<br />
<br />
If socialist internationalism is opposed to nationalist ideology,<br />
this does not at all mean that it rejects nations’ historical and cultural traditions.<br />
In the same way as internationalist movements in each country have to speak the national language,<br />
they have also to speak the language of national history and culture;<br />
particularly, of course, when this culture is being oppressed.<br />
As Lenin acknowledged, each culture and each national history contain democratic, progressive, revolutionary elements<br />
which have to be incorporated by the socialist culture of the labour movement,<br />
and reactionary, chauvinistic and obscurantist elements which have to be uncompromisingly fought.<br />
Internationalists’ task is to fuse the historical and cultural heritage of the world socialist movement<br />
with the culture and the tradition of their people, in its radical and subversive dimension<br />
— often deformed by bourgeois ideology or hidden and buried by the official culture of the ruling classes.<br />
In the same way as Marxists must take into consideration, in their revolutionary struggle,<br />
the decisive importance of the national specificity of their social formation,<br />
in their ideological struggle they cannot ignore the national peculiarity of their own culture and history.<br />
This is what the Frente Sandinista de Liberacion Nacional (FSLN) did in Nicaragua,<br />
linking Marxism with Sandino’s heritage, a radical tradition alive in the collective memory of the Nicaraguan people.<br />
A similar process took place in Cuba with the democratic and anti-imperialist tradition<br />
represented by Jose Marti and in South America with the Indian rebellious past embodied by Tupac-Amaru.<br />
If socialism, in the Marxian sense — a classless and stateless society — can exist only on a world scale, what would be the place of nations in a future ‘Socialist Mother Earth’?<br />
This is not a purely utopian and irrelevant question, since the internationalist nature of the ultimate revolutionary socialist aim<br />
should inspire, to a certain extent at least, present forms of struggle.<br />
For historical materialism, the nation-state is not an eternal category: it is not the result of ‘human nature’<br />
nor of any biological law of nature (a thesis advocated by certain ultra-reactionary ‘sociobiologists’<br />
who pretend to deduce the nation from the ‘territorial principle’ of certain animal species).<br />
It did not always exist in the past and nothing forces one to believe that it will always exist in the future.<br />
In short, it is a historical product and can be historically superseded.<br />
The necessity of some form of structured (or ‘institutional’) organisation is a universal need of all civilised human societies.<br />
This organisation can just as well take national forms as infra national (clans, tribes) or supranational ones (religious civilisations).<br />
Medieval Europe was a characteristic example of a social and political organisation combining local structures which were ‘pre-national’ (fiefs, principalities, etc.)<br />
and universalistic structures which were ‘trans-national’ (the Holy Roman Empire, the Church).<br />
The modern nation-state emerged in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries<br />
— with the rise of capitalism and the formation of the national market — precisely through the destruction/decomposition of these two non-national structures.<br />
There is therefore no a priori reason to deny the possibility in the future of a new<br />
supranational organisation of human society, a World Socialist Republic, which, unifying economically and politically<br />
the human species, would reduce the nation essentially to its cultural dimension.<br />
The universal culture which would arise in such a framework would peace fully co-exist with the rich multiplicity of the national cultures.<br />
<br />
This issue has been quite controversial in twentieth-century Marxism. One can find basically two tendencies:<br />
1. Those who favoured (or considered inevitable) the future assimilation of all nations<br />
in a universal common socialist culture: Kautsky, Lenin, Stalin, Pannekoek, Strasser.<br />
Kautsky’s theory of the single international language is a coherent expression of this position.<br />
<br />
2. Those who believed in the free development of all national cultures in an integrated universal community:<br />
Bauer, Trotsky and Luxemburg. For instance, Trotsky wrote in a 1915 essay: ‘The nation is an active and permanent factor<br />
of human culture. And in a socialist regime the nation, liberated from the chains of political and economic dependence,<br />
will be called to play a fundamental role in historical development.<br />
<br />
3. A third position, ‘national neutrality’, is implicitly sketched by Vladimir Medem, the leader of the Jewish Bund:<br />
it is impossible to predict whether future historical development will or not lead to the assimilation of the Jewish nation.<br />
In any case, Marxists should neither prevent nor stimulate this process of assimilation, but remain neutral.<br />
If one generalises this position to all national cultures (which Medem did not) one would have an original and new conception of the problem.<br />
<br />
4. In any case, the most important, from a socialist, revolutionary and democratic viewpoint,<br />
is that no internationalist politics can be based on the denial,<br />
repression, neglect or limitation of the national right to self-determination and self-development.</div>Marijkecolle